SOLIDARITY WORK 'FOR THE FEDERATION OF LEFT:
No leftist Italian class sits more in the national Parliament and the European Parliament. E 'from the late nineteenth century, when was elected the first socialist deputy in the parliament, subject to the fascist era, that this did not happen. The work is devoid of political representation, even on a purely institutional. The forces present in parliament to the opposition of Berlusconi's government say the equidistance between capital and labor as a constitutive feature (PD), or are characterized by a demagogic populism that relies on the "legality" to the resolution of conflicts between business and labor (IDV) . There is a grave risk that Italy finally landing an "Americanization" of the political and social, where social interests and political representation are related to fractions of the bourgeoisie and groups industrial and editorials, in competition, but only within the same social and cultural reference. The market, free competition, private property, the equality between workers and employers: the dominance of capitalism and its sacredness. The same institutional system, through an electoral law with a major prize of majority in the executive and the centralization of the remaining political differences, to the detriment of representative assemblies, is organized in line with the exclusion of work as an independent political subjectivity. The initiative for Marchionne - undemocratic, illiberal and authoritarian, as defined by the general secretary of the CGIL Susanna Camusso - Socially Berlusconi is complementary to that of the political-institutional. The signing of the CISL and UIL transforms them, objectively, unions advertising the position of FIAT. The exclusion of Fiom-CGIL from the factories of the Fiat group, commissioned by Marchionne and supported and defended by CISL and UIL, is a return to the Fifties, the expulsion of communists from the companies and departments of confinement. The Federation consists of the Left, key time of aggregation of anti-capitalist left, you should take in the full gravity of this historical transition. An anti-capitalist left that does not give a general theory of transition to socialism and to the idea of \u200b\u200ban alternative model of society, otherwise they will be subject to the bourgeois culture and sentenced to conflict within the grounds of capitalist society. PRC, PDCI, Socialism, Solidarity and Work 2000, aware of the need to create a new political entity, have given evidence of humility, recognizing that each subject was singularly inappropriate to the needs, and great generosity, giving to the Federation of the Left the task of reversing the division and fragmentation that has caused so much damage to the left and especially the working class. In this unit there is no alternative, or face a miserable fratricidal struggle among what little remains of the traditions of the next class. In the Federation live the finest moments in the history of Italian labor movement, the communist tradition (from the PCI and the new left) and socialist (with particular reference to the analytical skills of Italian capitalism "mature" of the 60s and 70s) anti-fascism and the great struggles of the movements for peace and civil rights. The Federation reaffirms the Left, finally, the centrality of work. The Italian left has indeed gradually transformed it from a strong representative of class interests and the bearer of a proposed alternative society, in a political culture defined by values: a force of opinion is not rooted in class. The workers - and more generally the private and public-employee, failed the mass political parties, have no political power. This creates an imbalance between the social classes that undermines the Constitution of the Republic. To oppose the forefront, in the workplace, the CGIL remained only as a great mass organization. It seems evident that the only major force to combat the destruction of workers' rights, with their crushing, racism and protection of democracy not only as a synthesis of freedom and political rights but also rights to the materials is just the CGIL. But without a political force that represents and organizes the work of the CGIL is the same seal put to the test. The same CGIL, in the absence of a perspective transformation of the company and proper party to represent the interests of class, is too long on the defensive. Trade unions in fact, even when they move to the best of their potential in the absence of a workers' party-inspired socialist and communist, are destined to move up a plan of subordination and resistance. The presence of mass parties in the workplace in fact fueled the spread among workers of a culture and a design approach that enliven the action of trade unions. This is the precondition for a resumption of the offensive by the CGIL. This is for us the strategic importance of the Federation of the Left, that must be made to live without qualms and hesitations as unitary and autonomous political entity. For we who have created work-Solidarity Association, trade unionists and delegates from the CGIL, which consider it essential to put your face directly also on the policy initiative, the Federation deserves our commitment and our passion. Broadening the membership of the proposed policy and ideological solidarity with all those job-and all those who share the profile is our commitment to today.
1. For the defense of the Republican Constitution, born from the anti-fascist resistance
, organized the mass parties and the free expression of class conflict, founded on work.
2. To restore a proportional electoral law without the barrier that restores the centrality of Parliament and makes possible the representation of political forces in the institutional sphere based on the job.
3. For a system of representation of trade unions based on the consensus reached in the vote in municipal solid waste - must be extended to the world of work - and the membership certificate, so that no minority can sign contracts that apply to all workers, establishing also the possibility that in case of disagreement by representative trade unions may be held even in the face of the signing of trade unions representing the majority of workers, a referendum on the understanding eventually signed.
4. For an industrial policy that would prevent the marginalization of Italy within the international division of labor in the knowledge that the national bourgeoisie is totally unable to fulfill this role by giving their earnings to the pension and children's forms of private monopoly sale of assets and skills to the public.
5. For direct state involvement in key industrial sectors, ripubblicizzando also all activities that are of priority to collective interest, such as network enterprises (energy, transport, water, waste, telecommunications) and common goods.
6. For the recapture of a contractual system of specific rules and universal for all workers, which unifies the world of work and working a real wage recovery, including through distribution of a share of productivity growth, such as lead, in a time reasonable, the overall wage bill to 50% of national income, compared to their current share of 40%. There is no defense if the Constitution can not defend the political role of labor, and therefore its power against the power company. Issue of democracy and social issues for us are held each other.
7. A proposal for election to work out a broad consensus, an alliance democratic response to the presence of a right subversive as that represented by the current majority government.
8. For a given constituency also contains program elements qualifying social, like the abolition of regulations that precarious work, destroy the universities and public schools, abolish "de facto" labor law replaced the rule ' arbitration.
9. For an industrial policy that once identified the manufacturing sectors on which to bet you also use the direct state involvement in the property, as in many European countries.
10. For the taxation of pensions and large assets in order to finance both the extension and reform of the social and political development and infrastructure, which indicate a high road of development, to be accompanied by greater investment in education and research.
11. To create a culture of left-wing government, to tell not only what not to do, but what you must and can do and most importantly, what would we do if we can get the necessary consensus to rule. For what should be voted and especially what should be the tangible social benefit for those who want to represent. Organize and not only represent.
12. To open immediately a political offensive against the Left Ecology and Liberty, to build a common platform to fill the programmatic content of the most advanced democratic alliance.
13. To reunification, within the Federation, all municipalities and communities, going beyond the required overcoming the division of the PRC and the PDCI, the two parties that call themselves communist in name and have the hammer and sickle symbol. Process that is not exclusively organizzativistico, but compare the analysis of current capitalism and the history of the communist movement internationally, to indicate which perspective to assume an indication of the Socialism of the XXI century.
Stay with positions in the Federation of Labor Solidarity therefore means of strengthening the elements of the draft class, reinforce a vision of our major policy initiative and our social roots, to understand the centrality of the CGIL in the current social conflict, enhancing initiatives, acting as a privileged interlocutor within the various political forces. For a class force to organize the class, paying particular attention to the precarious workforce and the immigrant - workers, 8 million and 149 thousand seconds, the Istat survey of 2008, a large proportion of the employees of other public-private, 7 million 301 000 2008 Istat always, young atypical workers, most of the false self-employment, migrants, unemployed, most Pensioners': although they represent the majority of the population and what should be the social block of the left are now divided, and the hegemony of 250 000 private entrepreneurs and the wealthy part of 3-4 million self-employed - who face their own Marxism analysis tool, which enhances the thought of Antonio Gramsci, who is neither sectarian nor minority - perhaps radical when necessary - which challenges the SEL on the ground of the unity of the left and the Democratic Party on the floor of the Democratic Alliance against the Right subversive . A force taking over the rejection of war as the resolution of international disputes, as enshrined in the Constitution, but especially so how he lives and has always lived within the labor movement, taking up a battle anti-militarist. He's always on the side of reason: that of working men and women, their dignity, their rights and their organized power.
This is the time of sowing.
Florence, December 2010
